Volume I · Issue I · Fall 2021

History

Frederick Douglass: Abolitionist Trailblazer

Published
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63–71

Summary

Draft summary

This paper examines how Frederick Douglass fought slavery and argued for equal rights through his writings, his speeches and his Christian ethic. It stresses his break with the Garrisonian abolitionists in reading the Constitution as self-contradictory rather than racist, and his use of America’s own founding ideals to expose the hypocrisy of slavery’s defenders.

In the 1800s, Frederick Douglass was born a slave, escaped, and became a prominent figure in the abolitionist movement. Shortly after escaping, he joined the Anti-Slavery Society, an activist group working towards the abolition of slavery. He was notable because he fought not only for abolition, but also for the equal rights of black people. Throughout his life, he played many positions for the abolitionist cause, from writer to speaker, and from Presidential advisor to diplomat to Haiti. Douglass fought against slavery and for equal rights by his challenge to the social narrative of black inferiority. He also combatted slavery unorthodoxly in that, unlike Garrisonian abolitionists, he argued that the Constitution was not a racist document, but rather self-contradictory. Douglass was especially effective in his use of prized American institutions like the Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and Christianity that racist whites purported to uphold in order to expose the hypocrisy of those racist whites as well as to justify his arguments against slavery.

Douglass was born around 1817 to a slave woman and, in all likelihood, his slave master, Hugh Auld, in Maryland. When Douglass was twelve years old, Auld’s wife, Sophia Auld, taught him to read and write, but Auld forbade further teaching when he found out. Douglass disobediently continued teaching himself to read and write despite his father’s prohibition, but eventually, Hugh Auld would find out and send Douglass to a slave-breaker, named Edward Covey, for his academic transgressions. As a teenager, Douglass suffered under the brutal beatings of Covey, but after months of beatings, one day, Douglass fought back and won, a watershed moment in his life that inspired him to seek freedom.1 At age twenty, Douglass fled slavery to New York but eventually settled in Massachusetts. He joined the Anti-Slavery Society at twenty-five, where he met William Lloyd Garrison, an established and prominent member of the abolitionist movement, with whom he would travel across the North, promulgating the abolitionist cause. He released his first autobiography at age twenty-seven, and it sold over 5,000 copies in three months and 30,000 in five years. Douglass eventually went on to found the North Star, an abolitionist newspaper. He fought slavery through his autobiographies and newspaper articles, his energetic and impassioned speeches, his civic engagement, and even his work for the federal government as a recruiter of black soldiers for the Union Army. Throughout his life and works, Douglass proved to be an essential part of the abolitionist movement.

Through his academic disobedience of his slaveholder and his rebellion against Covey, Douglass challenged the narrative of black inferiority and stood testament to the mental and physical equality of black people and white people. Douglass’ challenge to the black inferiority narrative demonstrated why he was an influential abolitionist. Because the notion of black people being demented and inferior to whites was so pervasive, it was a surprise to many to see an escaped slave passionately speak about his lived experience. Douglass’s fellow Garrisonian abolitionists in the Anti-Slavery Society feared that many Northern whites would not believe that he used to be a slave, so they advised him to sound less educated and speak less eloquently than he did.2 Rather than follow their advice, Douglass instead wrote an autobiography, further documenting his heritage and establishing his credibility as an intellectual. Douglass possessed skill not only with the written word, but also with the spoken word. His colleague Garrison, who had devoted his life to the abolition of slavery, wrote that he “never hated slavery so intensely as at that moment” when referring to Douglass’s speech about his experiences as a slave, a testament to the power of his impassioned speeches.3 Without his lived experience and his logical way of conveying it, Douglass would not have been able to alert so many people to the horrors of slavery. Charles W. Chestnut, an acquaintance of Douglass, stated that because Douglass went through such tumultuous experiences as a slave, he was able to exhibit that his “genius” is the means by which he changed being black from a source of shame to a means by which he “raised himself and his people.”4 Douglass used what otherwise would have been a disadvantage, former enslavement, as a means to become a bulwark of the abolitionist movement.

He also served as an example for what other enslaved people could be. When Douglass was commissioned to enlist black men to serve in the Union Army, he initially struggled to convince free blacks to serve the nation that had formerly enslaved them. However, with Douglass’s continued help, almost 200,000 former slaves ultimately joined the Union Army, making up about 10 percent of the entire army.5 Had black men not joined the Union Army in such great numbers, the Union might not have won—even if they had, Douglass feared that black people would not have necessarily done anything to “earn” their freedom. Douglass further intimated in his broadside that if former slaves fought in the Civil War, they would prove that they were “worthy to be freemen” and that America was their country just as much as it was a white man’s.6 Without his urgent and moving diction and the lived experiences through which he could relate to other slaves, Douglass would not have been an effective recruiter to the extent that he was. Without his moving writing and oratory skills, he would have never been in a position to be able to recruit black men into the Union Army; his public speeches and first autobiography are what helped him first gain prominence, and his prominence is what put him in a position to get the recruitment job. Douglass would have never gained the skills needed to be a great orator or writer had he not been willing to defy the social narrative of black inferiority as a child.

Through his “What to a Slave is the Fourth of July?” speech, Douglass logically exposed the hypocrisy of the way that whites treated black people, and through this, he demonstrated his effectiveness as an abolitionist and why he influenced the overall movement. In the speech, Douglass communicated how a slave being a man is already conceded in the actions of white people. Douglass highlighted the irony in having seventy-two crimes that if committed by a slave, warranted his death, but only two crimes warranted the death of a white person. Douglass asserted that to punish slaves for a crime means to make the assumption that slaves are capable of higher moral intelligence, an assumption that was not compatible with the notion of black people being docile subhumans. Douglass also pointed out how there are laws that forbid slaves from learning to read and write, but he asked where there are such rules for actual animals, and he ultimately communicated how the manhood of a slave is conceded in actions of racist whites, but not their words. He also spoke about how slaves are capable of doing the same work as white people, such as “ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools,” as exhibited by the work they did as slaves, demonstrating the physical capabilities of a slave.7 Furthermore, Douglass went on to say that there is no point in arguing that a man is entitled to liberty and is the owner of his body because the whites “have already declared it.”8 Douglas utilized the phrasing of the Declaration of Independence that “all men are created equal” against white people. Douglass logically concluded that black people are humans, and used racist whites’ purported ideals in the Declaration against them and in doing so, demonstrated logical thinking and employed moving oratory skills uncommon to black people, an action that further defied the narrative of black people being inferior to white people. Douglass’ oratory skills and logical thinking were uncommon because black people were not allowed to learn how to read and write, a driving factor in the perpetual reinforcement of the ideas of black inferiority narrative. As a testament to the degree to which he was a good speaker, William G. Allen, a professor of rhetoric and belles lettres at Central College, held that he did not know anyone that could approach Douglass’ oratorical skill.9 At the core of racism was a belief that black people were inherently inferior to white people, but with his demeanor, words, and logical thinking, Douglass’ demonstrated that the notion did not conform with reality. Through his clear and sound oration of the logic behind the abolitionist cause, Douglass not only promulgated the idea that black people were human beings capable of the same intellectual and physical skill as a white person and therefore worthy of freedom, but he also exemplified the notion in his being, which ultimately added to his notability and furthered his influence in the abolitionist cause.

In regards to the Constitution, Douglass fought slavery in an unorthodox way because he diverged from the Garrisonian view that the Constitution is racist. Douglass took a risk in disagreeing with William Lloyd Garrison and in doing so, used whites’ racist Constitutional arguments against them and exposed that there was no guarantee of slavery in the spirit of the Constitution and was therefore unconstitutional. As Douglass diverged from the Garrisonian status quo, he not only exemplified his uniqueness and confidence as an influential abolitionist, but also demonstrated that black people were capable of thinking for themselves. Originally, Douglass, as a new abolitionist, trusted Garrison’s ideas about the Constitution because the Garrisonian abolitionists’ were more knowledgeable about the subject than he was and because he had no way of challenging their ideas due to his lack of formal education.10 The dynamic of Douglass, as a black man, lacking knowledge while Garrison, a white man, was in a position to have more knowledge is reminiscent of the dynamic between slave and slaveholder, but Douglass would break free from his intellectual bondage as well. Douglass broke free from the ignorance by reading and thinking for himself, and coming up with a different conclusion than the rest of the Garrisonians. Instead of thinking that he might be wrong, he ardently defended that the Constitution was not inherently racist because he grew tired of “arguing on the slaveholder’s side.”11 In being defiant and going against the status quo, Douglass exhibited the qualities of an influential abolitionist because his actions showed that he was capable of thinking for himself. According to historian Herbert Apthekjer, Douglass was the “preeminent philosopher and organizer of the Abolitionist movement.”12 Apthejeker’s praise is a testament to the benefit of Douglass’ uniqueness in the abolitionist cause. Douglass noticed that the aim of the Constitution was to “to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity… promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing of liberty” so he concluded that there was no way that it could be used to justify a system of “rapine and murder.”13 He concluded that the Consitution and the institution of slavery were logically incompatible with each other, and that if the Consitution is the supreme law of the land, then the institution of slavery was an affront to it. Douglass’ willingness to diverge from the popular narrative and fight for what he believed in is a character mark of his whole demeanor. The popular narrative was that the Constitution was inherently racist because it allowed for slavery, but Douglass persisted in the argument that because its aim is to “secure liberty” and ensure “domestic tranquility,” then the Constitution was actually an anti-slavery document. Similarly, the popular narrative was that blacks were docile subhumans that were inferior to whites intellectually and morally, but persisted against this notion as well. Douglass’ entire being was a challenge to the status quo, which is why he was a unique and influential figure in the abolitionist movement.

Douglass, exhibiting a deep adherence to the Christian faith, used Christianity as a justification for the abolition of slavery, equal rights of black people, and the assimilation of black people by exposing the hypocrisy of the slaveholding whites who purported to be Christians. Douglass’ exposition of the hypocrisy of white slaveholding “Christians’’ demonstrated that he had a better understanding of the Christian faith, an affront to the social construct of black people being injudicious and subhuman. Douglass attempted to appeal to the piety of America and leverage their reverence of the Christian faith to further abolitionist causes. He argued that the notion of blacks being subhuman was against the Bible, and in theory, if whites truly cared about their purported Christianity, they would do their best to adhere to all its precepts. Douglass’ arguments against slavery using Christian doctrine were likely especially provoking because it challenged the very fabric of the nation, the foundation on which it stood. In the appendix of his first autobiography, Douglass lambasts the “corrupt, slaveholding women-whipping, cradle-plundering, partial and hypocritical Christianity.”14 From personal experience, Douglass knew that the most consistent churchgoers were the cruelest to their slaves, so in addition to his critical writings, he would routinely repeat in his speeches across the North that, “Between the Christianity of this land, and the Christianity of Christ, I recognize the widest possible difference,” a scathing remark to those white slaveholders who were under the assumption that they were practicing a good and true Christianity.15 Douglass even supported racial amalgamation using Christian doctrine. He received a lot of pushback from members of his race when he decided to marry Miss Pitts, a white woman from New York, but Douglass was described as being kind to all members of mankind, regardless of their race or religion, a core virtue of Christian faith.16 With racial amalgamation, Douglass advocated for the universal human fellowship within Christ that Christ Himself advocated, in the fight for the abolition of slavery, Douglass strived for “one glorious homogeneous people” in America, who recognized the dignity of man.17 Although Douglass’ dream of amalgamation was completely foreign to people who did not even affirm the humanity of slaves let alone demonstrate a desire to treat them as equal, his persistence in equal rights as the ends of the abolitionist movement exhibited why Douglass was so influential in it. Douglass was more than an abolitionist, but a complete racist equality advocate. Unlike the Garrisonians who advocated for a slow progression towards abolition so as to allow people to adjust to the new conditions, Douglass envisioned a way of American life that recognized the fullness of its principles of liberty and justice for all the people living there, including slaves. As for his observance of the faith, Douglass exemplified the Christian virtue of forgiveness when he wrote to his former slave owner about how he loved him, but hated slavery. In the “I love you, but hate slavery” letter, Douglass detailed how he felt “nothing but kindness” for his former master and that he ran away from slavery and not him.18 Douglass forgave Hugh Auld, a man who sent Douglass to be viciously beaten by Edward Covey for months because he was educating himself, further exemplifying his Christian virtue of love of mankind, a love of mankind that fueled his eagerness for the end of slavery. The man who officiated Douglass’ wedding to his second wife, Francis J. Grimke, a Presbyterian minister, held that Douglass was morally “lofty in sentiment” and “pure in thought,” another testament to his moral Christian virtue.19 Furthermore, among the Christian religious, clergyman-educator William J. Simmons, regarded Douglass as the “epitome of the efforts of a noble soul to be what God intended, despite the laws, customs, and prejudices.”20 The contrast between Douglass’ Christian nature of forgiving and moral virtuousness contrasted with the racist whites’ actions towards their slaves contradicted the popular notion of black people being beast-like subhumans, and Douglass’ demeanor itself exposed the hypocrisy.

Although it seems as if Douglass’ words and actions made him a bulwark of the abolitionist movement, a true testament to that notion would be what people thought of him. Through Douglass’ work, he gained the notoriety of abolitionists, both white and black, and many high-ranking government officials, furthering his influence in the abolitionist and equal rights cause. Many white abolitionists such as N.P. Rogers and Law Olmsted approved of Douglass’ work and accomplishments. N.P. Rogers, an editor of an antislavery weekly newspaper, called Douglass an “extraordinary man”, and Law Olmsted, an abolitionist who traveled to slave states to fight slavery, wrote that Douglass, as an escaped slave, has done more in ten years than the South has done in fifty years “to elevate and dignify the African race.”21 Douglass’ recognition amongst white abolitionists spoke to the influence he had within the abolitionist movement and the effectiveness of his abolitionist style in reaching people. The acclaim that Douglass gained increased his notoriety and the possible reach of his ideas, subsequently increasing his influence in the frontlines of the abolitionist movement. Not only did people within the abolitionist movement compliment his accomplishments, but people outside of it as well. At an unveiling of a statue dedicated to Douglass in New York, Governor Theodore Roosevelt denotes that Douglass was a “worthy representative of the American nation.”22 To further achieve equal rights, further combat the black inferiority narrative and show that blacks are just as capable as whites, Douglass was appointed by multiple Republican presidents to government jobs. He served as an advisor to Abraham Lincoln, gaining his acclaim as “the most meritorious man of the nineteenth century.”23 Rutherford B. Hayes appointed Douglass as U.S. Marshal of the District of Columbia; James Garfield appointed him as the District of Columbia Recorder of Deeds. Benjamin Harrison appointed Douglass as U.S. minister to Haiti, and Ulysses S. Grant appointed him as Secretary of Commission to Santo Domingo. Although black people would not be able to hold many government positions until many years later, Douglass’ career in government served as a further advocation of equal rights for blacks and a reminder of the inconsistent logic of the notion of black inferiority. Another testament to his influentialness would be to how the South treated him. As historian Benjamin Quarles denotes, even after Douglass’ autobiography made him an increasingly notable and remarkable public figure, racist white Southerners had to “ignore such Blacks as Douglass’’ because if they did not, Douglass would have caused dissonance with their preconceived notion of black people being “docile… and improvident”, two things Douglass was evidently far from being.24 The South, being intransigent in their racist ways, would be forced to recognize his writing and speaking skills that were an affront to their whole worldview. Douglass’ appearance in multiple newspapers and popular media of the time increased his influence in the abolitionist movement because he was able to promulgate his abolitionist ideas far easier. Douglass gained this influence by his uniqueness, a uniqueness that came from defying the black inferiority narrative.

In the 19th century, Frederick Douglass fought for the abolitionist movement through his insightful writings about his lived experiences as a slave, his passionate speeches, his willingness to diverge from the popular narrative, and his demeanor as a result of his Christian ethic. At the core of everything Douglass did was a drive to fight the social narrative of black inferiority. The significance of Douglass fighting the racist narrative was that it struck to the very core of racism. At the heart of racism is a belief that black people are inherently and incontrovertibly inferior to white people, and Douglass knowing how to read, write, and speak was an insult to the very root of that racism. Douglass emancipating himself mentally through self-education and then physically through his escape from slavery and dedicating his life to its abolition was an attack at the foundation of slavery and a factor in its ultimate downfall. Had Douglass never defied and fought against the black inferiority narrative as a slave, he would never have gone on to influence the number of people he did as a free man, including the Republican presidents who were pivotal in the fight for abolition and later equal rights. Douglass’s actions represented the very means by which slavery was extirpated from American life: abolitionists’ unwavering refusal to submit to an unjust status quo.

Notes

  1. Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave, ed. Benjamin Quarles (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 104. ↩
  2. Jay Thompson, “Toward Douglassonian Abolitionism: The Rift Between Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison” (reading, 2002), 2. ↩
  3. Thompson, “Toward Douglassonian,” 2. ↩
  4. Benjamin Quarles, “Frederick Douglass: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives,” New Directions 7, no. 2 (1980), https://dh.howard.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=1214&context=newdirections, 17. ↩
  5. “With Malice Toward None: The Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Exhibition: Lincoln and Frederick Douglass,” Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/lincoln/lincoln-and-frederick-douglass.html#:~:text=Recruiting%20Colored%20Troops,men%20into%20the%20Union%20forces, 1. ↩
  6. Frederick Douglass, “Men of Color, To Arms! Now or Never!” (reading, Philadelphia, PA, 1863), 2. ↩
  7. Frederick Douglass, “What to a Slave is the Fourth of July?” (speech, Rochester, NY, July 4, 1852), 17. ↩
  8. Douglass, “What to a Slave,” 18. ↩
  9. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 17. ↩
  10. Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom (1855), https://courses.lumenlearning.com/introliterature/chapter/my-bondage-and-my-freedom-by-frederick-douglass/, 238. ↩
  11. “Frederick Douglass’s Irish Liberty,” last modified February 25, 2011, http://claver.gprep.org/sjochs/frederick%20Douglass%20and%20Ireland.htm, 4. ↩
  12. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 17. ↩
  13. Douglass, My Bondage, 238. ↩
  14. D. H. Dilbeck, “The Radical Christian Faith of Frederick Douglass,” ChristianityToday, https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2018/january-february/frederick-douglass-at-200-remembering-his-radical-christian.html, 6. ↩
  15. Dilbeck, “The Radical Christian,” 6. ↩
  16. “Frederick Douglass’s Original New York Times Obituary From 1895,” New York Times, February 14, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/14/obituaries/frederick-douglass-dead-1895.html, 4. ↩
  17. Frederick Douglass, “’Your Deliverance Draws Nigh!’: Frederick Douglass: Emancipation Proclaimed,” Douglass’ Monthly, October 1862, 562. ↩
  18. Frederick Douglass, “I Love You but Hate Slavery” (reading, Rochester, NY, October 4, 1857), 3. ↩
  19. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 16. ↩
  20. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 16. ↩
  21. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 15. ↩
  22. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 15. ↩
  23. ”Frederick Douglass National Historic Site,” nps.gov, https://www.nps.gov/museum/exhibits/douglass/visionary.html, 1. ↩
  24. Quarles, “Frederick Douglass,” 15. ↩
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Frederick Douglass: Abolitionist Trailblazer